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Subhash Chandra Bose letter to Mahatma Gandhi |
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Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose |
Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose (b. 23 January 1897–d. 18 August 1945), well-known for his obstreperous patriotism, (Subhash Chandra Bose letter to Mahatma Gandhi) ran for (and was re-elected to) the presidency of the Indian National Congress in 1939, which was held in Tripuri in March 1939. But later, he was ousted due to divergences between Mahatma Gandhi and other Congress leaders.
Subhash Chandra Bose letter to Mahatma Gandhi before the election with his candid thoughts. Bose issued a statement on 21 January 1939 (Mr Bose said)
"I have been receiving pressing requests from the socialists as well as Non-Socialists from different parts of the country urging me to contest the president election."
Subhas Chandra Bose
Six members of Congress Working Committee had charged allegations on Subhas Chandra Bose. In his press statement on 24 January 1939 he said,
"Widely believed that there was a prospect of a compromise on the Federal Scheme between the Right Wing of the Congress and the British Government during the coming year. So, the attempt to set up a rightist for the presidential office is full of great significance"
But the fact was that Subhash Chandra Bose letter (a left-wing element, including the Congress Socialist Party) [1] opposed the "federal scheme." But Gandhi's right-wing leadership was not too forceful in its opposition, and it seemed that they might compromise on certain terms.
Subhas Chandra Bose letter to Gandhi on March 31, 1939. In this letter he said clearly sticking to the sense with a purpose.
"I feel so strongly on this point that I am prepared to make any sacrifice in the connection. If you take up the struggle, I shall most gladly help you to the best of my ability. If you feel that the Congress will be able to fight better with another president I shall gladly step aside." [2]
He was also winded, saying that he is the only perfect man who would stand alone in a critical situation and be able to do this for Swaraj. as well as indirectly asking Gandhi to offer him a second chance to become president of Congress a second time. "I think I love my country sufficiently to be able to do this [...]"
Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose concluded the lengthy, candid letter with an appreciative, convincing tone and a respectful Pranams. However, in his letter to Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, M K Gandhi gave him a strong connotative response. It was sent back on April 2, 1939, with a token of perceptiveness and a strong statement of opposition. [3]
Subhash Chandra Bose letter to Mahatma Gandhi before the election with his candid thoughts. Bose issued a statement on 21 January 1939 (Mr Bose said)
"I have been receiving pressing requests from the socialists as well as Non-Socialists from different parts of the country urging me to contest the president election."
Subhas Chandra Bose
Six members of Congress Working Committee had charged allegations on Subhas Chandra Bose. In his press statement on 24 January 1939 he said,
"Widely believed that there was a prospect of a compromise on the Federal Scheme between the Right Wing of the Congress and the British Government during the coming year. So, the attempt to set up a rightist for the presidential office is full of great significance"
But the fact was that Subhash Chandra Bose letter (a left-wing element, including the Congress Socialist Party) [1] opposed the "federal scheme." But Gandhi's right-wing leadership was not too forceful in its opposition, and it seemed that they might compromise on certain terms.
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Subhash Chandra Bose letter to Mahatma Gandhi | 1 true noted thought | Subhash is in the middle of Front row |
Subhas Chandra Bose letter to Gandhi on March 31, 1939. In this letter he said clearly sticking to the sense with a purpose.
"I feel so strongly on this point that I am prepared to make any sacrifice in the connection. If you take up the struggle, I shall most gladly help you to the best of my ability. If you feel that the Congress will be able to fight better with another president I shall gladly step aside." [2]
He was also winded, saying that he is the only perfect man who would stand alone in a critical situation and be able to do this for Swaraj. as well as indirectly asking Gandhi to offer him a second chance to become president of Congress a second time. "I think I love my country sufficiently to be able to do this [...]"
Subhas Chandra Bose letters to Mahatma Gandhi
Subhash Chandra Bose letter: "There is one other matter to which I shall refer in this letter - that is the question of our programme... For months, I have been telling friends that there would be a crisis in Europe in spring which would continue till summer."My dear Mahatmaji,
I shall be grateful if you could let me know your reaction to Pant's resolution. You are in this advantageous position that you can take a dispassionate view of things - provided of course, you get to know the whole story of Tripuri.
Judging from the papers most of the people who have seen you so far seem to belong to one school - namely, those who supported Pant's resolution but that does not matter. You can easily assess things at their proper value, regardless of the persons who visit you.
You can easily imagine my own view of Pant's solution. But my personal feelings do not matter so much. In public life we have often to subordinate personal feelings to public considerations.
As I have said in a previous letter, whatever one may think of Pant's resolution from the purely constitutional point of view, since it has been passed by the Congress, I feel bound by it.
Now do you regard that resolution as one of no-confidence in me and do you feel that I should resign in consequence thereof? Your view in this matter will influence me considerably.
There is one other matter to which I shall refer in this letter - that is the question of our programme... For months, I have been telling friends that there would be a crisis in Europe in spring which would continue till summer.
The international situation as well as our own position at home convinced me nearly 8 months ago that the time had come for us to force the issue of Purna Swaraj... For these and other reasons we should lose no time in placing our National Demand before the British Government in the form of an ultimatum… If you do so and prepare for the coming struggle simultaneously, I am sure that we shall be able to win Purna Swaraj very soon.
The British Government will either respond to our demand without a fight - or, if the struggle does take place in our present circumstances, it cannot be a long-drawn one. I am so confident and so optimistic on his point that I feel if we take courage in both hands and go ahead, we shall have Swaraj inside 18 months at the most. I feel so strongly on this point that I am prepared to make any sacrifice in the connection. If you take up the struggle, I shall most gladly help you to the best of my ability.
If you feel that the Congress will be able to fight better with another president, I shall gladly step aside. If you feel the Congress will be able to fight more effectively with a Working Committee of your choice, I shall gladly fall in line with your wishes. All that I want is that you and the Congress should in this critical hour stand up and resume the struggle for Swaraj.
If self-effacement further the national cause, I assure you most solemnly that I am prepared to efface myself completely. I think I love my country sufficiently to be able to do this. Pardon me for saying that the way you have been recently conducting the State's People's struggle does not appeal to me.
I may say that many people like myself cannot enthuse over the terms of the Rajkot settlement. We, as well as the Nationalist Press, have called it a great victory – but how much have we gained? Sir Maurice Gwyer is neither our man nor is he an independent agent.
He is a government man. What point is there in making him the umpire? We are hoping that his verdict will be in our favour. But supposing he declares against us, what will be our position? My letter has become too long, so I must stop here.If I have said anything which appears to you to be erroneous, I hope you will pardon me. I know you always like people to speak frankly and openly. That is what has emboldened me in writing this frank and long letter. With respectful Pranams, Yours affectionately,—Subhash
Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose concluded the lengthy, candid letter with an appreciative, convincing tone and a respectful Pranams. However, in his letter to Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, M K Gandhi gave him a strong connotative response. It was sent back on April 2, 1939, with a token of perceptiveness and a strong statement of opposition. [3]
Mahatma Gandhi's letter to Subhas Chandra Bose in response to Subhas Chandra Bose letter
"We seem to differ ad to the amount of corruptions in the Congress. My impression is that it is in the increase. I have been pleading for the past many months for a thorough scrutiny".My dear Subhas,
I have yours of 31st march, as also the previous one. You are quite frank, and I like your letters for the clear enunciation of your views. The view you express seem to be so diametrically opposed to those of the others and my own that I do not see any possibility of bridging them. I think that such a school of thought should be able to put forth its views before the country without any mixture.
And if this is honestly done, I do not see why there should be any bitterness engaging in civil war. What is wrong is not the differences between us, but loss of mutual respect and trust. This will be remedied by time, which is the best healer.
If there is real non-violence in the us, there can be no civil war and much bitterness. Taking all things into consideration, I am of the opinion that you should at once form your own Cabinet, fully representing your views. Formulate your programme definitely and put it before the forthcoming A. I. C. C. If the Committee accepts the programme all will be plain-sailing, and you should be enabled to prosecute it unhampered by the minority.
If on the other hand, your programme is not accepted, you should resign and let the committee choose it president. And you will be free to educate the country along your lines. I tender this advice irrespective of Pandit pant's resolution. My prestige does not count. It has an independent value of its own.
When my motive is suspected or my policy or programme rejected by the country, the prestige must go. India will rise and fall by the quality of the sum of her many millions. Individuals, however high they may be, are of no account except in so far as they represent the many millions. Therefore, let us rule it out of consideration.
I wholly dissent from your view that the country has been never so violent as now. I smell violence in the air I breathe. But the violence has pouted on a subtle form. Our mutual distrust I am a bad form of violence. The widening gulf between Hindus and Mussalmans points to the same thing.
I can give further illustrations. We seem to differ ad to the amount of corruptions in the Congress. My impression is that it is in the increase. I have been pleading for the past many months for a thorough scrutiny. In these circumstances, I see no atmosphere of non-violent mass action. An ultimatum without effective sanction is worse than useless.
But as I have told you that I am an old man perhaps growing timid and over-cautious, and you have youth before you and reckless optimism born of youth. I hope you are right. I am wrong. I have the firm belief that the Congress as it is today cannot deliver goods, cannot offer civil disobedience worth the name.
Therefore, if your prognosis is right, I am back and played out as the generalissimo of Satyagraha. I am glad you have mentioned the little Rajkot affair. It brings into prominent relief the different angles from which we look at things.
I have nothing to repent of in the steps I have taken in connection with it. I feel that it has great national importance. I have not stopped civil disobedience in the other States for the sake of Rajkot. But Rajkot opened my eyes. It showed me the way.
I am not in Delhi for my health. I am reluctantly in Delhi awaiting the Chief Justice's decision. I hold it to be my duty to be in Delhi till the steps to be taken in due fulfillment of the Viceroy's declaration in his last wire to me are finally taken.
I may not run any risk. If I was invited to the Paramount Power to do its duty, I was bound to be in Delhi to see that the duty as fully performed. I saw nothing wrong in the Chief Justice being appointed the interpreter of the document whose meaning was put in doubt by the Thakor Sahib.
By the way, Sir Maurice will examine the document not in his capacity as Chief Justice, but as a trained jurist trusted by the Viceroy. By accepting the Viceroy's nominee as judge, I fancy I have shown both wisdom and grace and what is more important I have increased the Vice regal responsibility in the matter.Though we have discussed sharp differences of opinion between us, I am quite confident that our private relations will not suffer in the least. If they are from the heart, I believe they are, they will bear the strain of these differences.
—Love, BAPU
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